National campaign self-research is the opponent file turned around. The opposition-research page says self-research is opposition research aimed at the candidate you work for. The records are the same. The audience is your own campaign, and the deadline is before someone else publishes the line. For a presidential race the money record is still a Federal Election Commission filing, because presidential committees are federal committees. The filing guide is /blog/presidential-race-research-fec-filings-for-national-campaigns. The index of executive profiles is /races/national/president.

The field manual is The Complete Guide to Evidence-Backed Opposition Research for Campaigns at /blog/the-complete-guide-to-evidence-backed-opposition-research-for-campaigns. The nine race families are at /blog/9-types-of-race-specific-research-campaign-teams-need. Build the file at /blog/how-to-build-a-citation-backed-candidate-research-dossier. Check a sentence before it reaches a memo at /blog/how-to-verify-political-claims-before-they-reach-a-campaign-memo. The sheet-or-platform comparison is /blog/campaign-research-platform-vs-spreadsheets-which-workflow-holds-up.

This page does not name a presidential field or a result. The next presidential general election is the 2028 cycle. Who is running, and who wins, is a fact for the filings and the returns.

Run the same fields on your own candidate

A campaign that profiles only the opponent learns the other side's votes and misses its own. The mirror file asks a blunt operational question: if a researcher with the same public records spent a week on our candidate, which sentences would they be able to source? An old quote that no longer sits next to a current vote, a disclosure that omits a later-reported line, a donor pattern the candidate has not been asked about, a case that shares the candidate's name and needs to be confirmed or ruled out. Each of those is a research task with a document at the end. The document is the source. The task is not a license to invent the document.

OppIntell builds that mirror from the same profile fields used on an opponent: votes and position history where a voting record exists, disclosures and donors, statements, court records that match the person, and FEC filings. The point of running both sides is that the standard stays identical. A vote counts as a vote whether it belongs to the candidate you are paid to help or the candidate you are paid to beat. Campaigns use the mirror in debate prep and in response drafts so the first time the candidate hears the hardest sourced line is in a prep session.

The working file is the one the opposition-research page prints: identity and office, votes where a voting record exists, public statements, finance filings, financial disclosures, donor lines from those filings, and court records that match the person. Every claim the campaign intends to repeat carries a source. Office decides which of those sections can be filled. It does not change the citation rule. A presidential self-research file does not borrow a House receipt total and call it the national campaign committee.

Leave the section empty when the record is absent

A vote line belongs when a legislative record exists for that person and that bill. A candidate who has never held an office that takes roll-call votes has an empty vote section. The empty section is the result of the search. Filling it from a neighboring biography, a rumor, or a prior cycle's mail piece is how a self-research packet becomes the thing it was meant to catch. Quotes stay stored as the words that were said, with the date and the place. A newspaper summary stays labeled as someone else's description.

An amended FEC report replaces the earlier total for the period it covers. The self-research sentence cites the report that was opened. A later amendment is a new sentence. Independent expenditures and Super PAC reports are different committees from the principal campaign committee. Cite the committee the sentence is about. A personal financial disclosure is a different form from the committee report. A donor line documents a reported gift. It does not, by itself, document a private promise.

A court record belongs only when the identity matches. A caption that shares a surname with the candidate is a question, not a line for the prep book. The match uses an identifier the record itself publishes. Identity strings such as a legal name, an office, a cycle, and a committee stay on the filing that states them. This page does not supply a biography for any person, and it does not repair a display name that an older URL already printed.

Put the packet through the same gate

On a published briefing, each claim carries a source URL, a source type, and a citation validation status. The status records whether the cited document still exists at that URL and still contains the cited language. Named types include an FEC filing, a Secretary of State portal, a court record, an official campaign site, and a government press release. A claim that fails stays out of the public post until the source is opened again or replaced. A self-research packet can use that gate before anyone repeats the line inside the campaign.

The contradiction flag points at two sourced records a reader might miss. Both items stay attached. A one-sided flag stays an open research question. It is not, by itself, a finding about motive. If the prep book needs both documents, cite both. If only one is in hand, the sentence stays a question. The methodology page's posture language, may, could, would examine, and appears consistent with, is how an open thread stays marked.

The presidential hub at /races/national/president lists executive profiles from the public index and the research files that already have URLs. A profile is a research record. It is not a statement that a person is on a ballot. Senate and House research stays at /races#senate and /races#house. The homepage Executive card opens the national hub. Party filters are not added to that address, because a query on the hub would be a separate page.

Coverage figures stay dated. The methodology page's sentence dated 2026-10-03 is 24,000 profiles in the public candidate-research index. The homepage counter on 2026-10-05 read 24,130. Use the dated sentence when a single figure is required, then check the live pages. Do not add race cards together and call the sum a presidential field. The opposition-research page says the description is legal advice for no one. A campaign asks its own counsel before it collects or publishes anything beyond the public record.

The order is the same as on an opponent: identity first, the matching record next, a source on every line that will be said out loud. Writing the response first and hunting for a citation after reverses that order. The self-research file exists so the hunt happens before the sentence leaves the building. An empty section stays empty. That emptiness is information the campaign can use. It is not a hole the packet is required to decorate.

Questions Campaigns Ask

What is national campaign self-research?

Self-research is opposition research aimed at the candidate the desk works for. The records are the same public records. The packet is written for the campaign's own communications review before someone else publishes a line.

Which money record does a presidential self-research file use?

Presidential committees are federal committees, so the money record is an FEC filing. The filing guide is /blog/presidential-race-research-fec-filings-for-national-campaigns. An amended report replaces the earlier total.

Does this page name who is running?

It does not. The opposition-research page says the next presidential general election is the 2028 cycle. Who is running, and who wins, is a fact for the filings and the returns. The index of executive profiles is /races/national/president.